|High times? Egyptian Princesses picking poppies and mandrakes among blue lotuses, from the lid of a chest, tomb of Tutankhamen. Drawing © Andrea Sinclair.|
On this occasion a friend of mine wanted back up in a ‘lively discussion’ about mushrooms and they were aware that we are keen mycologists in our recreational time. The outcome of that inauspicious experience was my deciding to read this paper. And then, after the trauma counselling, to wonder why no-one who was qualified to do so had shot this shoddy piece right out of the water … in writing.
Which brings me to the ‘Entheomycological Origin of Egyptian Crowns’ by Stephen Berlant, ‘independent researcher’.
This paper was published in the Journal of Ethnopharmacology in 2005, but this in a way should come as no surprise. As no self respecting Egyptology journal would touch it with a 10 foot barge pole. One quite effective way to get around the awkward obstacle of producing credible research is to publish with a journal that has reviewers who have no clue about the topic.
|The mushroom Psilcybe cubensis at varying growth stages. Photos Wikipedia; Pso304.jpg and DrBrainfish.|
However, his method of arguing this is almost seamless in its application of faulty reasoning, cherry picking of evidence and ignorance of the topics he is discussing. To be honest, I was initially overwhelmed by how to deal with the ceaseless jumble of rambling down unrelated sidetracks and giant leaps of faith … where do you even start?
I decided to stick with the glaringly obvious and follow the flow.
|Amanita muscaria in a northern European birch forest. Photo Andrea Sinclair.|
I. Psychoactive use in ancient Egypt
When you add to this gem that evidence from written and visual culture is even rarer, warning signals ought to already be going off. But that has discouraged this gentleman in no way whatsoever. Instead he justifies his task by citing evidence for the use of other types of psychoactive substances in ancient cultures as somehow supporting an argument for ubiquitous drug use in the Near East.
Let’s begin there; the claim that the ancient Egyptians used psychoactive plants is neither original nor new. They did. No Egyptologist is arguing against that. Only the Egyptian attitude to these will most certainly bear no relationship to ours. In their view they will have been festival, cult and medicinal plants. We have the botanical evidence for specific psychotropic plants and there are recipes in medical papyri.
In confirming the use of ‘drugs’ in ancient Egypt Berlant lists the main suspects from scholarship, but he overlooks the psychoactive that the contemporary west considers socially acceptable; alcohol. Many have been widely studied and while he appears to believe academia’s failure to recognise psychoactive plants is due to ‘bias’, this does not prevent him citing old research for his argument where it suits.
|Egyptian 18th Dynasty ladies holding Nymphaea caerulea and mandragora to their noses. Image tomb of Nakht, Davies 1917, pl. 17.|
Poppies, Papaver rhoeas, were significant plants in ancient Egyptian funerary and festival iconography, and Papaver somniferum, the source of opium and laudanum may have been used in medicine. Somniferum was probably introduced to Egypt in the early New Kingdom (ca. 1500 BCE), as there is no record of it in Egypt before this time and opium's identification in medical texts is disputed. It is a significantly stronger psychoactive than lotuses or alcohol.
I would have mentioned the mandrake, mandragora, as a social psychoactive as well, but the paper does not cite it. In fact, it does not refer to any studies of Egyptian flora. This plant is also late to Egypt, again in the New Kingdom, and in visual culture it was highly valued. All three of these potentially narcotic plants have been found archaeologically in Egypt, particularly in funerary contexts.
|Mandrakes, blue cornflowers and red poppies from the tomb of Sennedjem. Painting by C.K. Wilkinson. Image © Metropolitan Museum, New York.|
However, I could talk about mild to high mind altering substances until the cows come home, it doesn't achieve a great deal. The fact is that citing all of these plants that the Egyptians may have used for a buzz in the Bronze Age is quite cool and interesting, but it does not prove an argument that the Egyptians of the late Neolithic or Bronze Age used magic mushrooms in their rituals.
Egyptian King as high priest
From that sound rationalising Berlant moves on to a well worn trope that ancient Egyptian priests functioned as physicians as a part of their ritual activities. From that he adds that the pharaoh was a high ranking priest, so therefore his honourable cap would logically be grounded in his role as a mushroom wielding herbalist-shaman in the Neolithic. Kinda hard to prove that latter claim, btw.
But it gets better, because he specifies sem (sm) priests, rather than any priests (ḥm), but otherwise appears to be ignorant of the roles of priests in Egypt. Instead he rambles on about sm being derived from ‘plant’, (smw = ‘vegetable’ or ‘herb’), because a connection to plants must validate his mushroom hypothesis, plants and mushrooms being interchangeable ... that's sarcasm ... No citation is given for his etymology claims.
Nonetheless, Egyptian sem priests were not normal priests, they were responsible for reviving the deceased in the funerary rites, where they stood in for the god Horus reviving his father Osiris by performing the opening of the mouth ritual. They were technically not physicians, rather glorified necromancers. They performed the rite wearing a ‘panther’ skin, which he uses later to argue that the mushroom Amanita pantherina was significant to the Egyptians.
Returning to his argument about sem priests, the pharaoh of Egypt was indeed the highest ranking priest in the Egyptian religion, but he only acted as sem priest when he performed the final services for his predecessor. No crown is associated with this role. However, another problem with this argument is Berlant’s ignorance of Egyptian public service. Physicians were a separate career from priest in ancient Egypt, although these men were likely trained in the temple complexes. The word for physician in Egypt was sunu (swnw), but there were many job definitions and roles.
After that gobbledygook, he then switches tactics to attribute the origins of medieval alchemy to ancient Egypt, because the Arabic word al-chemiya is based on the ancient word for Egypt, kmt, ‘the black land’. This is another trope that circulates, particularly on the fringes, which sounds cool, but currently cannot be etymologically proven further back than the word from ancient Greek, khemeia (Χημείά). A discussion of medieval alchemists being into magic mushrooms definitely takes up a paragraph or two, but it achieves nothing.
He follows that with sundry modern theories about ritual amanita use from various cultures, and then moves to his actual theory.
He opens his argument with very scruffy images arguing that the white crown is modelled on a pin-stage Psilocybe cubensis, without mentioning to the reader that the pictured immature mushroom is perhaps around a centimetre in size, as at that stage of growth they are very small; hence ‘pin-stage’. Scale, it is quite important.
|White crown - red crown - double or sekhemty crown (two versions). Image Andrea Sinclair.|
So what are they? The white crown
Each of these crowns is thought to have been made out of leather or felt, but it is impossible to confirm, because not one crown has survived in the archaeological record. They were not buried with kings, they were magical and divine, and if they were natural fibres they are less likely to survive. With only iconography as evidence it is difficult to know what the original ideas behind the shapes were.
|The Egyptians were quite meticulous about plant signs: these are three different sedge signs. Left is the sign sw. Centre is the symbol of Upper Egypt, šm̕ . Right is the sign n, here doubled.|
|Example from the Middle Kingdom showing the names of the two crowns associated with the plants of Upper and Lower Egypt. Image from Abu Bakr 1937, 25.|
By employing Berlant’s methods, I suspect I could make an argument that the white crown was based on an onion, because it is a bit onion shaped. Onions are native to ancient Egypt, they are white, there is evidence for them, and best of all, the word for onion in ancient Egyptian was ḥdjt, the same word as for the crown (different determinative). But I am not, because this is still a weak argument, and nobody would care, because onions are simply not that cool.
The atef crown was a bundle of reeds tied together towards the top. There is very little to argue against this interpretation, as most images show the reeds. It is attested from the 4th or 5th Dynasty. Disappointingly for Berlant’s argument, this crown bears no tangible connection to the white crown except a superficial resemblance to it. Abu Bakr argued that the latter was also originally made with reeds. The Egyptian Muu dancers cited later in the paper also wear papyrus reed headdresses, and therefore their's may have a connection to papyrus symbolism rather than to a cluster of psilocybe.
Both white and hemhem crowns may be decorated with ram or cattle horns, so this provides fuel for another claim that the horns are significant because Psilocybe cubensis grows in livestock manure. The horns are a visual reference to the mushroom … wow. But he doesn’t stop there and adds that mushrooms growing in dung are also the reason for the significance of the scarab beetle pushing a dung ball, because … I kid you not … when you are high on psilocybe you see a bright light, which is how the Egyptians came to worship the sun god.
Apparently you also see mushroom gnomes, which totally explains Muu dancers … and dwarf gods … eeek.
The manure equals light rationale is then reinforced with the statement that the Egyptians recognised the connection, because when manure burns it gives off light … wtf … this is supposed to be coherent reasoning … Everything gives off light when you set it on fire. How do I explain that of the many things in the universe the Egyptians considered evil and unclean, manure was right up there in the top ten along with urine … they did not feel warm and fuzzy about dung.
|Part of the Cannibal Spell on the east gable of the Antechamber, Pyramid of Unas. Image Piankoff, 1968.|
White = green: Enigmatic phrasing in the pyramid of Unas
If you are sharp, you may have noticed neither of us has mentioned a green crown, which has caused a bit of idle debate as to the significance of ‘the green’ and some scholars do not translate the word ‘green’ (wadj) as crown, as there is no crown determinative. Others have, and make an analogy to the two crowns and social unity. The latter will be what inspired Berlant.
He therefore rationalises that the green crown in this line is another name for the white crown, and puts some effort into this by arguing that wadj, ‘green’, indicates plants (and mushrooms), and that because the god Osiris has green flesh and wears the white crown, therefore the crown too must be associated with the colour green.
This is a glorious example of weak logic. Green = plants = Osiris + white crown = mushroom. But it is essential to the paper, because otherwise he has no argument. The red crown cannot be argued to resemble a mushroom. Which is awkward, because that is how most scholars view this analogy..
James Allen: ‘for he has eaten the red and swallowed the raw’
Katya Goebs: ‘he has eaten the Red Crown, he has swallowed the Fresh/Green One’. (also Faulkner)
Had he done his homework he would know that ‘green’, ‘raw’, ‘fresh’, wadj, was another way of referring to Lower Egypt, and it was associated with the goddess of the Delta, Wadjet … it is her symbol. So Unas has swallowed the red crown and ‘the green one’, the goddess of the red crown … the phrase is emphatic, not dualistic. He is devouring divine magic.
Berlant goes on to support his argument by citing an eclectic cross section of prehistoric petroglyphs and shamanic rituals involving mushroom ingestion from the present to the Palaeolithic, most of which bear no relation to Egypt. The petroglyphs he cites that are from Egypt are likely thousands of years earlier than the inception of the crowns ... oh, and they are fish traps.
|18th Dynasty glass studs from the British Museum, London. Image © British Museum Trustees..|
New Kingdom ear studs (1400-1200 BCE)
Occam’s razor is a nice analogy here, in that a symbol is more likely to be related to a common symbol than one that is not. Awkwardly, there is no hieroglyph for mushroom in ancient Egyptian, but there is a sign that looks like these studs, we have already seen it, wadj, that has magical value, and a great deal of significance. It is therefore more likely to be this symbol than one that doesn’t exist. This sign incidentally does look like a cross section of a mushroom … it is a papyrus flower.
|Left. the symbol of Lower Egypt, mḥw, a papyrus cluster. Centre, two versions of the sign for papyrus. Right, a mirror with papyrus handle. Images Andrea Sinclair (photo taken at the Georg Steindorff Museum, Leipzig).|
If these objects are earrings, the viewed part when worn is the round top. And this top can be decorated with a flower pattern. Berlant conveniently uses low quality black and white photographs for his examples and the original colours are not visible. So let me fill that in, dark or light blue was the most common colour for 18th Dynasty glass and faience. These were often combined with white or yellow.
Because of this, a flower on the cap will likely be a Nymphaea caerulea (dark blue), if it is white, a nymphaea lotus, or green-blue, a papyrus. These were common in Egyptian sacred symbolism, they represent creation and rebirth. There are many 18th Dynasty faience ear studs with this design. Figures 8.C and E incidentally show studs with a flower pattern ... I call that recognising the obvious.
Also, if you were considering pantherina for a high, maybe have a paramedic on standby.
The royal mushrooms in the Papyrus Westcar.
If you don’t know it, this odd little tale is about the birth of 3 Old Kingdom pharaohs to the wife of a wab priest, the lady Reddjedet, and it involves the sun god Re sending 5 gods disguised as sacred musicians to aid in the birth and recognition of the children. The gods are Isis, Nephthys, Meskhenet, Heqet and Khnum. They duly assist at the birth of the babies and like all good fairies predict their future kingship. On completion the gods are paid with barley with which to make beer. After which:
The following episode about a storm provides an excuse for the gods to return and beg the household to keep the barley dry, which directs the narrative toward the later discovery of the crowns. There is no indication in the text that the grain became wet from the rain or that fungus grew in it. That is not the direction of the plot, the gods were using the storm as an excuse to give Reddjedet the barley with its hidden crowns, and incidentally moisture in the grain would ruin the beer that it was used for later.
The approximately 14 days incubation and growth for psilocybe that he uses to support his claim (no page number for Stamets, and not under cubensis) would make more sense if the ancient Egyptians had had the ability to monitor mushroom spore germination. In the folk story the 14 days actually represents the amount of time the woman was in seclusion from her household as purification ritual after giving birth.
There is also no indication which crowns he believes they are. There were about 13 royal crowns for Egyptian kings. His argument is about 2 crowns being based on Psilocybe cubensis (which grows naturally in dung). And he clearly states that all 3 crowns must be mushrooms, regardless of their identity, because of the barley sack and the rain. There is no other evidence given.
Berlant’s argument that the crowns are magic mushrooms is based on the translation that he used and on subjective thinking. He also appears to be assuming that because the story is about Old Kingdom Egyptian kings that it is an early text. It is not. The Westcar Papyrus is no earlier than the late Middle Kingdom (ca. 1700 BCE), or possibly slightly later.
|Osiris wearing atef crown between wedjat eyes from the tomb of Sennedjem, early 19th Dynasty. Image Wikipedia.|
Osiris was a mushroom
Let’s not go into the tedious fact that the white crown has no dark cap and looks to me as much like an old fashioned English milk bottle lolly as an immature mushroom. My partner however vehemently claims they are evidence of the pharaohs loving ten pin bowling. So when the theory that the pyramids are giant bowling alleys goes viral on Facebook we all know who to blame.
But to be accurate, no god from ancient Egypt is documented as associated with mushrooms, and I repeat, there is no sign for mushroom in ancient Egyptian. There is also at this moment in time no confirmed word in the ancient Egyptian vocabulary for mushroom, nor for a fungus. It is difficult to support an argument for significance within Egyptian culture when there is no textual or visual evidence for it.
Also, the crown that is worn by Osiris may vary in Egyptian iconography. He is shown wearing the white crown from the Middle Kingdom, but later he also wears the atef crown discussed earlier that is made with bound reeds and therefore definitely not in the mushroom range. And he is not the only god to be traditionally depicted wearing these crowns. Many gods do.
Berlant deftly manipulates this example to argue that as Psilocybe cubensis caps stain blue when handled (they do), so another royal crown, the khepresh, or blue crown must also be based on a mushroom. This crown is again late and was adopted into royal regalia in the Second Intermediate Period (ca. 1650 BCE). However, anyone with knowledge of Egyptian colour knows that dark blue/lapis lazuli was the colour of divine hair in Egyptian art and literature. The prose is about Ani acquiring divine features: a golden body, lapis hair, turquoise on his arms.
Later in the text Berlant goes full blown creative and argues that quite a few Osirian motifs are mushroom related, again soundly on the basis of subjective interpretation. However, Osiris was not a monopodal (one footed) personification of a mushroom, he was the god of the underworld and the supreme personification of a dead man. He is a mummy... Self explanatory really ... Also maybe that Osiris bed that was seeded with grain and left in tombs to germinate is actually about the grain that sprouts in it.
Finally, the rationale that underworld jackal gods like Anubis and Wepwawet are evidence that the Predynastic Egyptians trained their dogs to hunt truffels is … bwaahaha … gold.
The order of the golden flies
|Eyes of Horus on a Middle Kingdom coffin from the Georg Steindorff Museum, Leipzig. Photo Andrea Sinclair.|
The Eye of Horus was a mushroom
Wallis Budge 1895.
A better translation by James Allen 2005.
Allen chose to infer the faience was a vessel with the word ‘dishes’, while Faulkner (1996) preferred ‘meal of faience’.
|Mmmm crunchy: Faience Eye of Horus amulets. Image Andrews 1994, fig 46.|
II. Summary: What not to do in an academic paper.
Every ancient Egyptian text he has cited to argue his point has been misunderstood. He also gleefully uses faulty reasoning based on subjective interpretations of the evidence he selects. He cites this evidence in a casual fashion using objects that often bear no relation to the topic and includes laughably wide chronological and geographical ranges. Over all, the paper lacks focus and jumps from one idea to the next without developing any.
He often does not cite sources for claims about Egyptology. Repeatedly saying ‘Egyptologists say’ carries no weight unless you say whom, particularly when the paper leans heavily on literature from 1900. His statements about the etymology of Egyptian words are equally not to be trusted. Berlant is no linguist, nor did he refer to relevant studies or ask an expert. The interpretations of terms in the paper will be his own, taken with a dash of out of date literature.
Equally, the attacks on the integrity of Egyptologists that constitutes the conclusion of this paper is just juvenile and petty, this alone should have attracted the attention of professional reviewers, if his hesitation to cite sources did not.
This whole paper would be more suited to a publication before the mid 20th century when leaps of faith and indifference to chronology were de rigueur, than to a reputedly legitimate scientific publication in the 21st. I can only assume that the editors of the journal were ignorant of the topics. But by publishing this toss they have given his theory the illusion of respectability.
Nor do any other psychoactive substances that were consumed in various cultures or time periods on the entire planet support these claims. He may as well be arguing that morphine use, or coffee and wine consumption in contemporary western culture are evidence for ancient Egyptian mushroom use. This is where I find ethno-anthropology approaches to be flawed. Some researchers (independent and academic) may use cultural comparison as a convenient disguise for the lack of empirical evidence for their argument.
These methods are only useful to reinforce an already freestanding argument.
If you remove all the comparisons to unrelated cultures and the later Egyptian evidence he uses, you will find that Berlant has not provided one example contemporary with the Late Neolithic in Egypt to argue his point. He provides no evidence for the original crowns being based on hallucinogenic mushrooms. The whole paper is smoke and mirrors.
Poor bibliographical sources
The paper also leans heavily on pseudo-archaeology from the 1960s and 1970s, including John Allegro, whose Sacred Mushroom and the Cross is another exercise in subjective thinking and wild leaps of weird faith (yes, I have read it). He incidentally argued that the Egyptian hieroglyph of a ‘drill’ was based on a mushroom because ‘to bore’ is a euphemism for sex (p. 130), again a modern word play imposed on an ancient culture. Allegro’s translations of ancient Greek, Egyptian and Akkadian only work if you have never studied these languages, and he too showed ignorance of mycology, basing his argument that Jesus and Tammuz were mushrooms from a secret cult almost entirely on Amanita muscaria … yes that really was his theory.
The classicist Robert Graves also gets a show in, as he theorised about amanita use in ancient European cult and enjoyed dabbling in wild leaps of faith. Mark Mabry (2000) too is another dubious source. He basically took Allegro’s idea and reapplied it to ancient Egypt, by arguing that the god Osiris was an Amanita muscaria and that the white crown was a young muscaria fruit body. He seems to have been a big influence on this paper. Finally the guy who ought to take much credit, if you could call it that, is parapsychologist Andrija Puharich, who wrote The Sacred Mushroom (1959) which is the foundation text for ancient Egypt and supposed ritual use of magic mushrooms. In this he wrote up 18 months of past life trances of a patient who claimed to be have been a muscaria tripping ancient Egyptian priest from the 4th Dynasty. Not exactly a sound research technique btw.
Another issue that I encountered that goes beyond this paper, is the use of disreputable studies in academic papers, as it is possible to read scientific publications who let down their studies by citing Allegro, or other questionable sources for their ‘historical’ context. By not consulting archaeologists they are perpetuating these myths. In fact, this idea that Amanita muscaria is the psychoactive mushroom of all mushrooms is like some modern myth for a good high, when there are many more effective, but not as toxic or eye catching alternatives.
He might have referred to Guzman et al 2000, in which the environmental ranges for entheogenic Amanita muscaria, pantherina and all psilocybe do not include north-east Africa. Cubensis is a tropical to temperate climate species. Amanita muscaria grow in well mulched forests in temperate to cold environments, they particularly favour birch forests. Pantherina grow in forests in temperate regions. They like beeches and pines.
|If you eat these with the intention of getting high, you will die. Galerina marginata. Photo Frank Merten.|
All mushrooms cited in the paper need moist environments to grow, and while I am confident the excuse it was wetter in Egypt in the Neolithic might spring to mind, ‘wetter’ is a relative term when we are discussing one of the world’s most arid regions. Egypt was more humid in the Neolithic, but there is no evidence for temperate forest flora growing then, like oak, birch and beech.
But more to the point, Egypt’s climate was not wetter in the pharaonic period. Most of Berlant’s argument for hallucinogenic mushroom use from ancient Egypt dates to the pharaonic period, including all texts, most images, the white, hmhm and blue crowns, golden flies and ear studs. In much of this text he seems to assume they still knew and actively used hallucinogenic mushrooms thousands of years later.
Images in the text
Fig 2: The image of the hmhm crown is manipulated, and has been stretched out of shape in an image program. This has also been done to a later image of this crown (14.D).
Figs 4-5: Irrelevant: Petroglyphs from Russia and the Sahara, no source given; ‘Neolithic’.
Fig 6-7. The petroglyphs from El Hosh in Egypt date between 11,000 and 5,000 BCE. He appears to assume they are contemporary to his argument. However, while there have been weird and wonderful claims about what they are; phalluses, mushrooms, a star map(!), they have been effectively argued to be fish traps (Huyge 2005).
Fig 13: Give me a break. More blurry comparisons to blurry objects with no citation.
Other depictions of Tekenu from Egyptian tombs. Left: tomb of Monthuherkhepeshef, Davies 1913; pl. VIII. Right, tomb of Puimre, Davies 1923, pl. LXXII.
The mushrooms that ethnoanthropological and alternative writers cite in their writing are subjective and reflect their own cultural backgrounds. These approaches are incidentally predominantly western-centric. Berlant, for example, has cited mushrooms that are embedded in European folklore and that all grow in the eastern United States, where he lives.
However, for the 3000 or more years of recorded history from ancient Egypt there is no evidence for a cultural value for mushrooms, none, neither visually or linguistically. No sign, no image, no name in hieroglyphs has yet been identified. There is also no archaeological or botanical evidence for mushrooms from ancient Egypt. Prior to the pharaonic period there is also no confirmed evidence, and the catch cry ‘it is lost’ or ‘was secret’ is not evidence.
Science must have evidence.
But there is evidence for the use of psychoactive plants in ancient Egyptian daily life, medicine and cult. The Egyptians did not differentiate psychoactive plants into drugs (bad), herbalism (bad) or medicine (good) like modern western culture tends to promote. They had no problem with being depicted partying hard with the psychoactives we know about; beer, wine, lotuses, mandrakes. They wrote long and wonderful medical texts full to the brim with complex plant ingredients.
Therefore if mushrooms had significant cultural value they ought to be visible to us.
All jokes aside
Mushrooms cited in the paper have varying levels of toxicity, from none to extreme. Psylocybe cubensis are psychotropic, but they are not toxic. Agaricus arvensis are an edible mushroom with no entheogenic abilities. Amanita muscaria is entheogenic and a neurotoxin. It might kill you, but relatively speaking it is mildly toxic. Pantherina is more lethal than muscaria, while galerina is a gruesome painful death from ingesting a small amount. The scale of toxicity of brunnescens is disputed.
Half of these mushrooms have no entheogenic working, four could kill you. By not pointing this out, this paper infers they are all psychoactive fungi that were significant in ancient cultures. This is morally and ethically negligent.
There is nothing funny about inferring to people that they can eat toxic mushrooms.
Andrea Sinclair ...
Sources and further reading
Andrea Sinclair, Frank Merten, Rainer Wald
Petrie Museum London: http://petriecat.museums.ucl.ac.uk/brief.aspx
Metropolitan Museum, New York: https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/548354?searchField=All&sortBy=relevance&ft=sennedjem&offset=0&rpp=20&pos=5
A.M.J. Abu Bakr, 1937. Untersuchungen über die ägyptischen Kronen.
C. Andrews, 1994. Amulets of Ancient Egypt.
N. de G. Davies, 1913. Five Theban Tombs.
N. de G. Davies, 1917. Two Ramesside Tombs.
N. de G. Davies, 1923. The Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes Vol. II.
E. Naville, 1910. The XI Dynasty Temple at Deir el Bahari, Vol. II.
A. Piankoff, 1968. The Pyramid of Unas.
A.M.J. Abu Bakr, 1937. Untersuchungen über die ägyptischen Kronen.
J.P. Allen, 2005. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts.
J.P. Allen, 2018. ‘From Coffin Texts Spell 335 = Book of the Dead Spell 17 (1.10)’.
E.A. Wallis Budge … please don’t make me cite them.
D.M. Doxey, 2001. ‘Priesthood’. In D. Redford, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt.
R.O. Faulkner 1969. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts.
R.O. Faulkner, O. Goelet, E. von Dassow, and J. Wasserman, 1994. The Egyptian Book of the Dead: The Book of Going Forth by Day.
K. Goebs, 2004. ‘The Cannibal Spell: Continuity and Change in the Pyramid Text and Coffin Text Versions’.
K. Goebs, 2015. ‘Crown (Egypt)’. Iconography of Deities and Demons electronic publications.
A. Hodgkinson, 2014. ‘Colourful Glass Adornments from Egypt: An 18th Dynasty Enigma.’ https://blog.britishmuseum.org/colourful-glass-adornments-from-egypt-an-18th-dynasty-enigma/
F.N. Hepper, 2009. Pharaoh’s Flowers: The Botanical Treasures of Tutankhamen.
D. Huyge 2005. ‘The Fish Hunters of El-Hosh: Rock Art Research and Archaeological Investigations in Upper Egypt (1998-2004)’.
M. Lichtheim, 1976. Ancient Egyptian Literature 1: The Old and Middle Kingdoms.
L. Manniche, 1998. An Ancient Egyptian Herbal.
S. Quirke, 2015. Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt. Chapter 6: ‘Being Well’.
R.K. Richter, 2008. ‘Medicine’. In D. Redford The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt.
J.M. Serrano Delgado, 2011. ‘The Tekenu in Egyptian Funerary Ritual’. ZÄS 138.
A. Sinclair, 2012. ‘The International Style, Colour and Polychrome Faience’. ANES 49.
P. Veiga, 2017. ‘Opium: Was it Used as a Recreational Drug in Ancient Egypt’. ATRA 3.
P.B. de Menocal and D.E. Tierney, 2012. ‘Green Sahara: African Humid Periods Paced by Earth’s Orbital Changes’. Nature Education.
C.T. de Vartavan, 1997. ’Flore d’Égypte prédynastique: 50,000-5,000 BP: étude préliminaire’. Archéo-Nil.
T.J. Baroni, 2017. Mushrooms of the Northeastern United States and Eastern Canada.
G. Guzman, J.W. Allen, and J. Gartz, 2000. A Worldwide Geographical Distribution of the Neurotropic Fungi, an Analysis and Discussion.
I.R. Hall, S.L, Stephenson, P.K. Buchanon, W. Yun, and A.L.J. Cole, 2003. Edible and Poisonous Mushrooms of the World.
T. Lässe, and J. H. Petersen 2019. Fungi of Temperate Europe. Princeton.
P. Stamets, 1996. Psilocybinpilze der Welt: Ein praktischer Führer zur sicheren Bestimmung.